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CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY


BENEDICT DE SPINOZA
Theological-Political Treatise




CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY

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KARL AMERIKS
Professor of Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame

DESMOND M. CLARKE
Professor of Philosophy at University College Cork

The main objective of Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy is to expand the range, variety and quality of texts in the history of philosophy which are available in English. The series includes texts by familiar names (such as Descartes and Kant) and also by less well-known authors. Wherever possible, texts are published in complete and unabridged form, and translations are specially commissioned for the series. Each volume contains a critical introduction together with a guide to further reading and any necessary glossaries and textual apparatus. The volumes are designed for student use at undergraduate and postgraduate level and will be of interest not only to students of philosophy, but also to wider audience of readers in the history of science, the history of theology and the history of ideas.

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BENEDICT DE SPINOZA

Theological-Political Treatise

EDITED BY
JONATHAN ISRAEL
Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton

TRANSLATED BY
MICHAEL SILVERTHORNE
AND
JONATHAN ISRAEL




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First published 2007

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Spinoza, Benedictus de, 1632-1677.
[Tractatus theologico-politicus. English]
Theological-political treatise / Bendedict de Spinoza; edited by
Jonathan Israel; translated by Michael Silverthorne and Jonathan Israel.
p. cm. – (Cambridge texts in the history of philosophy)
Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN-13: 978-0-521-82411-8 (hardback : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-521-82411-7 (hardback : alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978-0-521-53097-2 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-521-53097-0 (pdk. : alk. paper)

1. Philosophy and religion – Early works to 1800.
2. Free thought – Early works to 1800.
3. Political science–Early works to 1800.
I. Israel, Jonathan, 1946- II. Title. III. Series.
B3985. E5S55 2007
199′ .492–dc22
2006036798

ISBN-13 978-0-521-82411-8 hardback

ISBN-13 978-0-521-53097-2 paperback

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accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to
in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such
websites, is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.




Contents

Introductionpage viii
Chronologyxxxv
Further readingxxxviii
Note on the text and translationxlii
THEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL TREATISE1
Preface3
  1On prophecy13
  2On the prophets27
  3On the vocation of the Hebrews, and whether the prophetic gift was peculiar to them43
  4On the divine law57
  5On the reason why ceremonies were instituted, and on belief in the historical narratives, i.e. for what reason and for whom such belief is necessary68
  6On miracles81
  7On the interpretation of Scripture97
  8In which it is shown that the Pentateuch and the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel and Kings were not written by the persons after whom they are named. The question is then asked whether they were written by several authors or by one, and who they were118
  9Further queries about the same books, namely, whether Ezra made a definitive version of them, and whether the marginal notes found in the Hebrew MSS are variant readings130
10Where the remaining books of the Old Testament are examined in the same manner as the earlier ones144
11Where it is asked whether the Apostles wrote their Epistles as apostles and prophets or as teachers, and the role of an Apostle is explained155
12On the true original text of the divine law, and why Holy Scripture is so called, and why it is called the word of God, and a demonstration that, in so far as it contains the word of God, it has come down to us uncorrupted163
13Where it is shown that the teachings of Scripture are very simple, and aim only to promote obedience, and tell us nothing about the divine nature beyond what men may emulate by a certain manner of life172
14What faith is, who the faithful are, the foundations of faith defined, and faith definitively distinguished from philosophy178
15Where it is shown that theology is not subordinate to reason nor reason to theology, and why it is we are persuaded of the authority of Holy Scripture186
16On the foundations of the state, on the natural and civil right of each person, and on the authority of sovereign powers195
17Where it is shown that no one can transfer all things to the sovereign power, and that it is not necessary to do so; on the character of the Hebrew state in the time of Moses, and in the period after his death before the appointment of the kings; on its excellence, and on the reasons why this divine state could perish, and why it could scarcely exist without sedition208
18Some political principles are inferred from the Hebrew state and its history230
19Where is shown that authority in sacred matters belongs wholly to the sovereign powers and that the external cult of religion must be consistent with the stability of the state if we wish to obey God rightly238
20Where it is shown that in a free state everyone is allowed to think what they wish and to say what they think250
Annotations: Spinoza’s supplementary notes to the Theological-Political Treatise260
Index276



Introduction

Spinoza’s aims

The Theological-Political Treatise (1670) of Spinoza is not a work of philosophy in the usual sense of the term. Rather it is a rare and interesting example of what we might call applied or ‘practical’ philosophy. That is, it is a work based throughout on a philosophical system which, however, mostly avoids employing philosophical arguments and which has a practical social and political more than strictly philosophical purpose, though it was also intended in part as a device for subtly defending and promoting Spinoza’s own theories. Relatively neglected in recent times, and banned and actively suppressed in its own time, it is also one of the most profoundly influential philosophical texts in the history of western thought, having exerted an immense impact on thinkers and writers from the late seventeenth century throughout the age of the Enlightenment down to the late nineteenth century.

Spinoza’s most immediate aim in writing this text was to strengthen individual freedom and widen liberty of thought in Dutch society, in particular by weakening ecclesiastical authority and lowering the status of theology. In his opinion, it was these forces which were chiefly responsible for fomenting religious tensions and hatred, inciting political sedition among the common people, and enforcing damaging intellectual censorship on unconventional thinkers like himself. He tried to lessen ecclesiastical power and the prestige of theology as he himself encountered these in the Dutch Republic – or, as it was then more commonly known, the United Provinces – partly as a way of opening a path for himself and those who sympathized with his ideas, or thought in similar ways, to propagate their views among contemporaries freely both verbally and in writing. But still more he did so in the hope, and even expectation, of helping by this means to build a freer and more stable society.

His strategy for establishing and reinforcing toleration and freedom of thought, as he himself explains in his preface, relies in the first place on exposing what he judges to be the basic causes of theological prejudice, confessional rivalry, intolerance, and intellectual censorship as they plagued the Europe (and America) of his time. He sought to show that conventional – and officially approved – religious teaching and dogmas are based mostly on mistaken notions, indeed profound misconceptions about the character of Scripture itself. In this way, he attempted to expose what he saw as a near universal and dangerous ignorance about such matters as prophecy, miracles, piety and the true nature of divine commandments and revelation. Especially useful for undermining the power of theology and lessening respect for theologically based structures of authority and tradition, he thought, was his method of demonstrating that ‘prophecy’ is not divine inspiration in the way that most people then believed, and is not the work of divine wisdom in action, but is rather a consequence of certain individuals being endowed with a particularly powerful ‘imagination’.

The Theological-Political Treatise offers a comprehensive theory of what religion is and how ecclesiastical authority and theological concepts exercise their power over men while, at the same time, providing a new method of Bible exegesis. But Spinoza’s challenge in this anonymously published book was not only to contemporary views about Scripture, faith, piety, priestly authority and text criticism. In the second place, but no less importantly, he also strove to reinforce individual liberty and freedom of expression by introducing, or rather further systematizing, a new type of political theory (albeit one strongly influenced by Machiavelli and Hobbes). This was a distinctively urban, egalitarian and commercial type of republicanism which Spinoza mobilized as a vehicle for challenging then accepted ideas about the nature of society and what the state is for.

To Spinoza, a thinker who grew up in the closing stages of the Thirty Years War – a ruthless and vastly destructive struggle between the European states only ostensibly about religion – changing prevailing ideas about politics and statecraft seemed no less essential than combating religious prejudice, intolerance and authoritarianism. What he regarded as fundamentally false notions about government, public policy, education and morality appeared to him to threaten and damage not only the lives of individuals but the also fabric of society more generally. It is owing to these defective but strongly prevailing ideas about politics as well as religion, he argues, that ‘superstition’ is built up (often by ambitious clergy), into a force sufficiently potent to overshadow if not direct all aspects of men’s lives, including intellectual debate and the administration of ordinary justice. Religious dogma comes to be enforced on everyone by force of law because the common people are persuaded by religious teachers that they should insist on doctrinal uniformity in the interests of their own and everyone else’s salvation and relationship to God. Religion is concocted into a powerful force in human affairs, he argues, chiefly by means of dogmatic appeals to Scripture, though also ‘with pomp and ceremony, so that everyone would find it more impressive than anything else and observe it zealously with the highest degree of fidelity’.1 A correct understanding of the mechanics by which all this happens, based on a realistic analysis of human drives and needs, he contends, will not just help ground a solid toleration and reduce inter-confessional strife but also diminish internal ideological threats to legitimate government and generally render the individual happier and society more peaceful and stable.

Spinoza’s method

Although a particular system of philosophy inspired and underpins the whole of the Theological-Political Treatise, it does so in most of the chapters unobtrusively and frequently in a hidden fashion. While his revolutionary metaphysics, epistemology and moral philosophy subtly infuse every part and aspect of his argumentation, the tools which Spinoza more conspicuously brings to his task are exegetical, philological and historical. In fact, it is the latter features rather than the underlying philosophy to which scholars chiefly call attention when discussing this particular text. Spinoza’s hermeneutical methodology constitutes a historically rather decisive step forward in the evolution not just of Bible criticism as such but of hermeneutics more generally, for he contends that reconstructing the historical context and especially the belief system of a given era is always the essential first and most important step to a correct understanding of any text. In this respect his approach was starkly different from that of traditional exegetes of Scripture and from Renaissance text criticism as a whole (as well as from that of our contemporary postmodernist criticism).




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