Tone and Intonation are two types of pitch variation, which are used by speakers of many languages in order to give shape to utterances. More specifically, tone encodes morphemes, and intonation gives utterances a further discoursal meaning that is independent of the meanings of the words themselves. In this comprehensive survey, Carlos Gussenhoven provides an up-to-date overview of research into tone and intonation, discussing why speakers vary their pitch, what pitch variations mean, and how they are integrated into our grammars. He also explains why intonation in part appears to be universally understood, while at other times it is language-specific and can lead to misunderstandings.
The first eight chapters concern general topics: phonetic aspects of pitch modulation; typological notions (stress, accent, tone, and intonation); the distinction between phonetic implementation and phonological representation; the paralinguistic meaning of pitch variation; the phonology and phonetics of downtrends; developments from the Pierrehumbert–Beckman model; and tone and intonation in Optimality Theory. In chapters 9–15, the book’s central arguments are illustrated with comprehensive phonological descriptions – partly in OT – of the tonal and intonational systems of six languages, including Japanese, French, and English.
Accompanying sound files can be found on the author’s web site: http://www.let.kun.nl/pti
Carlos Gussenhoven is Professor and Chair of General and Experimental Phonology at the University of Nijmegen. He has previously published On the Grammar and Semantics of Sentence Accents (1994), English Pronunciation for Student Teachers (co-authored with A. Broeders, 1997), and Understanding Phonology (co-authored with Haike Jacobs, 1998).
In large domains of theoretical and empirical linguistics, scholarly communication needs are directly comparable to those in analytical and natural sciences. Conspicuously lacking in the inventory publications for linguists, compared to those in the sciences, are concise, single-authored, non-textbook reviews of rapidly evolving areas of inquiry. Research Surveys in Linguistics is intended to fill this gap. It consists of well-indexed volumes that survey topics of significant theoretical interest on which there has been a proliferation of research in the last two decades. The goal is to provide an efficient overview and entry into the primary literature for linguists – both advanced students and researchers – who wish to move into, or stay literate in, the areas covered. Series authors are recognized authorities on the subject-matter as well as clear, highly organized writers. Each book offers the reader relatively tight structuring in sections and subsections and a detailed index for ease of orientation.
Previously published in this series
A Thematic Guide to Optimality Theory John J. McCarthy
ISBN 0 521 79194 4 hardback
ISBN 0 521 79644 X paperback
CARLOS GUSSENHOVEN
University of Nijmegen
PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, CB2 2RU, UK
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http://www.cambridge.org
© Carlos Gussenhoven 2004
This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2004
Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
Typefaces Times Roman 10/12 pt. and Franklin Gothic System LATEX 2e [TB]
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Gussenhoven, Carlos, 1946-
The phonology of tone and intonation / Carlos Gussenhoven.
p. cm. – (Research surveys in linguistics)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-521-81265-8 – ISBN 0-521-01200-7 (pb.)
1. Tone (Phonetics) 2. Intonation (Phonetics) 3. Grammar, Comparative and general–Phonology. I. Title. II. Series.
P223.G87 2004
414′.6 – dc22 2003065202
ISBN 0 521 81265 8 hardback
ISBN 0 521 01200 7 paperback
Voor Karel en Otto
List of figures | page xi | |
Map | xiv | |
List of tables | xv | |
Preface | xvii | |
Acknowledgements | xx | |
List of abbreviations | xxii | |
List of symbols | xxiv | |
1 | Pitch in Humans and Machines | 1 |
1.1 Introduction | 1 | |
1.2 Frequency of vocal fold vibration, fundamental frequency (F0), and pitch | 1 | |
1.3 Pitch tracks | 3 | |
1.4 Interpreting pitch tracks | 5 | |
1.5 Experimentation | 10 | |
1.6 Conclusion | 11 | |
2 | Pitch in Language I: Stress and Intonation | 12 |
2.1 Introduction | 12 | |
2.2 Stress | 12 | |
2.3 Intonation | 22 | |
3 | Pitch in Language II: Tone | 26 |
3.1 Introduction | 26 | |
3.2 Tone languages | 26 | |
3.3 Autosegmental representations of tone | 28 | |
3.4 Other sequential restrictions | 36 | |
3.5 Accent | 36 | |
3.6 Tonogenesis | 42 | |
3.7 Conclusion | 47 | |
4 | Intonation and Language | 49 |
4.1 Introduction | 49 | |
4.2 Intonation and the design features of language | 50 | |
4.3 A half-tamed savage | 57 | |
4.4 Experimental approaches towards establishing discreteness in intonation | 62 | |
4.5 Conclusion | 69 | |
5 | Paralinguistics: Three Biological Codes | 71 |
5.1 Introduction | 71 | |
5.2 Variation beyond the speaker’s control | 72 | |
5.3 Motivations for control in speech production | 72 | |
5.4 Pitch register and pitch span | 76 | |
5.5 Biological codes in pitch variation | 79 | |
5.6 The Frequency Code | 80 | |
5.7 The Effort Code | 85 | |
5.8 The Production Code | 89 | |
5.9 Substitute phonetic features | 90 | |
5.10 Language-specific universal meaning? | 92 | |
5.11 Conclusion | 93 | |
6 | Downtrends | 97 |
6.1 Introduction | 97 | |
6.2 Declination | 98 | |
6.3 Downstep | 100 | |
6.4 Final lowering | 110 | |
6.5 Initial high pitch: reset | 113 | |
6.6 Three phonetic issues | 116 | |
6.7 Conclusion | 121 | |
7 | Tonal Structures | 123 |
7.1 Introduction | 123 | |
7.2 Historical background | 125 | |
7.3 Developments since 1986 | 133 | |
7.4 Rhythmic adjustments of pitch-accent distribution | 141 | |
7.5 Conclusion | 142 | |
8 | Intonation in Optimality Theory | 143 |
8.1 Introduction | 143 | |
8.2 Gen, Eval, and Con | 144 | |
8.3 OT and the tonal representation | 145 | |
8.4 Positional effects | 157 | |
8.5 OT and prosodic phrasing | 159 | |
8.6 Conclusion | 167 | |
9 | Northern Bizkaian Basque | 170 |
9.1 Introduction | 170 | |
9.2 Lexical representations | 171 | |
9.3 The Accentual Phrase | 172 | |
9.4 Unaccented α without default H∗L | 175 | |
9.5 The Intermediate Phrase | 176 | |
9.6 The construction of ip | 179 | |
9.7 Basque focus | 180 | |
9.8 Conclusion | 183 | |
10 | Tokyo Japanese | 185 |
10.1 Introduction | 185 | |
10.2 Lexical accent | 186 | |
10.3 The α | 186 | |
10.4 The tonal structure of Utterances with one α | 187 | |
10.5 Phonetic implementation of a one-α Utterance | 189 | |
10.6 An OT analysis of the tonal structure | 192 | |
10.7 More than one α: secondary association and interpolation | 197 | |
10.8 The Intermediate Phrase | 199 | |
10.9 The Utterance: Lυ and Hυ | 201 | |
10.10 Japanese focus | 204 | |
10.11 Conclusion | 206 | |
11 | Scandinavian | 209 |
11.1 Introduction | 209 | |
11.2 Stockholm Swedish | 210 | |
11.3 An OT analysis of Swedish tone | 216 | |
11.4 East Norwegian | 217 | |
11.5 An argument for pre-linking | 222 | |
11.6 Danish | 223 | |
11.7 Conclusion | 226 | |
12 | The Central Franconian Tone | 228 |
12.1 Introduction | 228 | |
12.2 Tonogenesis | 230 | |
12.3 The first stage | 232 | |
12.4 Improving the interrogative contrast | 235 | |
12.5 Improving the contrast in ι-final declaratives | 241 | |
12.6 Outside the focus | 243 | |
12.7 Other reinterpretations | 244 | |
12.8 Conclusion | 249 | |
13 | French | 253 |
13.1 Introduction | 253 | |
13.2 Prosodic phrasing | 254 | |
13.3 The tonal analysis | 266 | |
14 | English I: Phrasing and Accent Distribution | 274 |
14.1 Introduction | 274 | |
14.2 The distribution of pitch accents | 275 | |
14.3 Postlexical rhythm: ɸ-structure | 278 | |
14.4 Intonational phrases | 287 | |
14.5 Between the ɸ and the ι | 292 | |
14.6 Conclusion | 294 | |
15 | English II: Tonal Structure | 296 |
15.1 Introduction | 296 | |
15.2 Nuclear contours | 296 | |
15.3 Pre-nuclear pitch accents | 302 | |
15.4 Onsets | 304 | |
15.5 Expanding the tonal grammar | 305 | |
15.6 The vocative chant | 313 | |
15.7 Tone Copy | 315 | |
15.8 Some comparisons with Pierrehumbert and Beckman’s analysis | 316 | |
15.9 Conclusion | 319 | |
References | 321 | |
Index | 345 |
1.1 | Sections of 25 ms from the speech waveform of male and female speaker | page 2 |
1.2 | Continuous speech waveform and a digitized waveform | 4 |
1.3 | Incorrectly detected voicing and correctly analysed speech wave form | 6 |
1.4 | Halving error | 7 |
1.5 | Pitch falls in VCV-structures | 8 |
1.6 | Intrinsic F0 pitch | 9 |
1.7 | Falls in British English and German on a pre-final syllable | 10 |
2.1 | F0 tracks of two versions of (He’ll) kill us if he gets the chance | 13 |
2.2 | F0 tracks of permit N, permit Ⅴ, and work permit | 18 |
3.1 | F0 tracks of Are you going to rinse and Are you going to play in the dialect of Maastricht | 45 |
4.1 | Chickasaw declarative and interrogative intonation contours | 54 |
4.2 | Belfast English declarative and interrogative intonation contours | 55 |
4.3 | Bengali declarative and interrogative intonation contours | 55 |
4.4 | Discretely different British English pitch contours | 56 |
4.5 | F0 contour of Roermond Dutch Gaeler pepier | 60 |
4.6 | Continuum of fifteen artificial contours for Only a MILLionaire and bimodal distribution of imitations | 63 |
4.7 | High rise and low rise in Dutch | 64 |
4.8 | Structure of 18 artificial contours used in ‘surprise’ experiment | 65 |
4.9 | Perceived surprise scores for different beginnings and endings of the high rise and the low rise | 65 |
4.10 | Idealized discrimination function in relation to the idealized identification function | 67 |
4.11 | Percentage ‘Question’ responses as a function of final F0 in Dutch stimuli and percentage correct discriminations | 68 |
5.1 | Variations in pitch range | 77 |
5.2 | Phonetic implementations of two phonological contours for the sentence Anna came with Manny | 78 |
5.3 | F0 plots of P1 and P2 for a large number of realizations of two phonological contours for the sentence Anna came with Manny | 78 |
5.4 | Percentage ‘Question’ judgements by Swedish listeners as a function of end pitch (x-axis) and peak height | 83 |
5.5 | Four phonologically different rising intonation contours in Dutch | 84 |
5.6 | Neutral and contrastive pitch accent on European Portuguese | 87 |
5.7 | Hypothesized relation between high peaks and late peaks | 90 |
6.1 | Average F0 trajectories in all-H utterances by four speakers of Mandarin Chinese | 99 |
6.2 | Average F0 peak values of H-toned syllables in Yorùbá | 99 |
6.3 | Downstep and declination in Japanese | 101 |
6.4 | Asymptote predicting the F0 of five peaks in English utterances and mean actual F0 of the five peaks. Near-linear descending downstepping with anticipatory raising in Dagara | 111 |
6.5 | F0 of accent peaks in ‘A and B, but C’-type sentence and in ‘A, but B and C’-type sentence | 114 |
6.6 | Four pronunciations of Dutch De mooiste kleren (en) de duurste schoenen | 115 |
6.7 | Hypothetical F0 contour with two projected reference lines | 118 |
6.8 | Upper and lower regression lines for four syntactic categories in Dutch | 120 |
7.1 | F0 contours of Intermediate Phrases | 126 |
9.1 | Lexically unaccented α with default H∗L and sequence of lexically accented αs | 174 |
9.2 | Long unaccented α and the same sentence with an α-break | 177 |
9.3 | Three different foci for Amáien diruá emon nau | 183 |
10.1 | F0 tracks of Japanese accented and unaccented words | 191 |
10.2 | F0 tracks of ten sequences of unaccented α and α with free first mora and H-toned first mora | 199 |
10.3 | Peak F0 in first and third α in expressions containing different numbers of αs | 201 |
10.4 | Interrogative pronunciations of accented and unaccented Japanese words | 202 |
10.5 | Declarative and interrogative pronunciations of long unaccented α | 203 |
10.6 | Three different foci for mukasi banási | 205 |
11.1 | Synthetic F0 contours showing variation in initial, medial, and final peaks in Stockholm Swedish and identification scores for the compound interpretation | 218 |
11.2 | East Norwegian Accent 1 and Accent 2 with declarative intonation | 221 |
11.3 | Neutral and narrow focus in East Norwegian | 222 |
12.2 | Hypothesized phonetic lengthening of singular forms in Central Franconian | 231 |
12.3 | Accent 1 and Accent 2 in the dialect of Tongeren and in the dialect of Venlo | 248 |
13.1 | Six pronunciations of au clair de la lune | 267 |
13.2 | Downstepped contours in French | 270 |
13.3 | Leading H in French | 271 |
15.1 | Three left-hand contexts for English H∗L | 298 |
15.2 | Four downstepping contours in English | 308 |
15.3 | Three F0 manipulations of Edinburgh is the capital of Scotland | 318 |
12.1 | Northern part of the Central Franconian tonal area | page 229 |
4.1 | Examples of ‘unnatural’ declarative and interrogative intonation contours | page 54 |
5.1 | Three biological codes and their physiological sources | 95 |
10.1 | Similarities and differences between Japanese and Basque Accentual Phrases | 207 |
12.1 | Hypothesized phonological interpretation of ANALOGICAL LENGTHENING as a lexical tone in Central Franconian (CF) | 231 |
14.1 | Intonational features compared across French, English, and Bengali | 275 |
The question of how the delicate pitch variations that humans can produce are employed in language has been one of the most fascinating topics in phonological and phonetic research at least since Joshua Steele’s Essay towards establishing the Melody and Measure of Speech (Steele 1775), but has developed a particularly fruitful momentum in the past two decades. This book is an account of my current understanding of this issue.
Lexical pitch variations and intonational pitch variations are phonologically represented as tones, like H(igh) and L(ow), which form a string of elements running parallel to the string of vowels and consonants. Like vowels and consonants, tones may delete, assimilate, or change their value in particular contexts. They are organized temporally with reference to prosodic constituents, such as the mora, the phonological phrase, and the intonational phrase. Studying the phonology of tone and intonation can sharpen one’s understanding of phonetics and phonology in a relatively brief time. The greater variation in the realization of tones, together with their relative sparsity compared with the denser occurrence of vowels and consonants, encourages a comprehensive view of the trajectory from underlying representation to phonetic surface form. As a result, the difference between phonology and phonetics as well as that between underlying phonology and surface phonology can more readily be appreciated.
The theory of intonational structure presented in this book owes a great deal to the work of Janet Pierrehumbert, whose 1980 thesis on American English intonation in effect provided the theoretical framework it has adopted, which work itself was intellectually indebted to Gösta Bruce’s 1976 thesis on Stockholm Swedish. I was ‘around’ at the time Janet Pierrehumbert’s thesis came out, but it took me a while to realize that its greatest significance was not in the details of the analysis of American English, which is very elegant, though nothing to sweep the board, but its conception of the relation between phonology and phonetics, and that it was – indeed – a model of how phonology works in general.
It is hoped that the book will stimulate theoretical and descriptive research in tonal phonology. Possibly, the order ‘theoretical and descriptive’ places the wrong emphasis here: ‘descriptive and theoretical’ better expresses the fact that the number of languages that have been described in terms of the metrical–autosegmental model, a term we owe to Bob Ladd (1996), is still limited. An important advantage of a well worked-out theory is that direct comparisons can be made across languages. Accurate and theoretically responsible descriptions provide the basis for theoretical innovation and improvements in our understanding of the nature of the object we study. There is a vast literature on tonal systems in the languages of Africa and Asia, but in spite of many years of dialectological research in Europe, the prosodic systems of varieties of well-known European languages are to all intents and purposes undescribed, while the same is true of most languages spoken elsewhere in the world.
Chapter 1 provides essential phonetic background information for empirically oriented students of prosody. Chapters 2 and 3 deal with basic typological categories like ‘tone’, ‘stress’, ‘intonation’, and ‘accent’. Chapter 4 discusses the place of intonation in language. As implied above, an explicit formulation of the distinction between phonological representation and phonetic realization was a key feature of Pierrehumbert’s 1980 thesis, and it accounts in no small measure for the recent progress in the field. Together with chapters 5 and 6, chapter 4 lays out the implications of the distinction. More so than has perhaps been realized, it is crucial to an understanding of the issue of the apparent universality of paralinguistic meaning. Chapters 5 and 6 attempt to explain how people know what the paralinguistic meanings of pitch variation are. These chapters also discuss the typical structural interpretations of these effects in specific languages.
Three general chapters follow: chapter 7 sets out the phonological configurations encountered in languages; while chapter 8 summarizes the ways that sentence prosody has been, or can be, dealt with in Optimality Theory.
An emphasis on the distinction between what is representational and what is due to the phonetic implementation naturally focuses our attention on the prosodic contrasts in languages. The language descriptions in chapters 9 to 15 provide illustrations of how phonological accounts capture sets of contrasting forms. These descriptions, which reproduce and expand on earlier analyses, are each biased towards specific aspects of prosodic structure, some of which are approached within an Optimality Theoretic framework. Basque and Japanese illustrate how tonal structures combine intonational and lexical tone in a situation where both are reasonably non-complex. Swedish and Norwegian provide examples of Germanic languages with a lexical tone contrast that is confined to the stressed syllable of the word. Language change is the focus of the next chapter, where the interaction between lexical and intonational tones is charted diachronically in a group of dialects spoken in Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium. We continue with a chapter on French that provides an illustration of how a complex pattern of variation in accent distributions can be brought under control by the variable ranking of constraints. In that same chapter, a tonal grammar is presented which shows how French is more complex than, say, Norwegian, but much less complex than English, which is treated in chapter 15. This chapter and chapter 14 are of interest because of the way in which the theoretical positions defended in the preceding chapters are applied to what must be the most thoroughly investigated language in the world. I have not resisted the temptation to introduce new elements in the description of these languages, despite the status of the book as a research summary. Given my background, the bias towards intonation in the choice of languages dealt with in these last chapters is hopefully forgivable.
1 July 2003 Nijmegen, The Netherlands |
Carlos Gussenhoven |
I first became acquainted with the topic of this book through a course called Tone and Intonation taught by Gillian Brown at the University of Edinburgh in 1968, where I spent my year abroad as a student of English. Between then and now, I have had many opportunities to learn from others, whether they were teachers, colleagues, students, or authors. I am very grateful to Christine Bartels for suggesting that I should write a book on intonation when she was still working for Cambridge University Press, for I don’t think I would have done it without her encouragement. More recently, I have benefited greatly from the interaction with the co-ordinators of the ESF Network Tone and Intonation in Europe (2001–2004). I am also indebted to numerous people who posed questions and supplied corrections at workshops and conferences over the past years. I have asked a number of people to read drafts of selected passages of this book and incorporated their responses in the final text in various ways. None of them is, of course, responsible for the way I have done this and in particular any errors are mine only. For these responses I would like to thank Daniel Bühring, Aoju Chen, Yiya Chen, Nick Clements, Paul de Lacy, Gorka Elordieta, Rachel Fournier, Sónia Frota, Martine Grice, Larry Hyman, Haike Jacobs, René Kager, Gjert Kristoffersen, Haruo Kubozono, Aditi Lahiri, Jörg Peters, Brechtje Post, Henning Reetz, Stéphane Robert, Tomas Riad, Sotaro Kita, Annie Rialland, J⊘rgen Rischel, Joe Salmons, Lisa Selkirk, Hubert Truckenbrodt, Leo Wetzels, Keiko Yoshioka, as well as an anonymous reviewer engaged by the publisher. I would also like to thank those who were kind enough to record examples whose F0 tracks are reproduced in the book: Joumard Alban, Arantzazu Elordieta, Eukene Elordieta, Stephanie van Elven, Nanna Haug Hilton, Hedy Kamara, Eric Kellerman, Sotaro Kita, Aditi Lahiri, Madeleine Lambrechts-Doecet, Yoshihisa Miura, Mariko Sugahara, Stéphane Tardy, Fumiko Uchiyama, Anne Wichmann and Nicole Verberkt. I am grateful to Femke Deckers and Wilske Driessen for producing these graphics with the help of the PRAAT program. These speech files, as well as representative speech files for the numbered examples throughout the book, are available at www.let.kun.nl/pti I thank Gorka Elordieta, Sónia Frota, Matt Gordon, Esther Grabe, Judith Haan, Linda Heümans, Vincent van Heuven, Minjoo Kim, Bert Remijsen, Chilin Shih and Henning Reetz for various kinds of help in obtaining recordings and figures, as well as several generations of students for their useful comments.
I worked on the book mainly in Nijmegen, where I was able to draw on the expertise of many colleagues, in particular Joop Kerkhoff and Toni Rietveld, but also spent time elsewhere. I enjoyed the generous hospitality of Aditi Lahiri during several fruitful periods spent at the University of Constance. Additionally, I spent four weeks at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and six weeks at the Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa of the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies in 2000, and I thank Shigeki Kaji and Lisa Selkirk for their kind and effective efforts to make my life both useful and pleasant during those times.
Permission to reproduce figures was obtained from Esther Grabe (figure 1.7); the Regents of the University of California (figure 4.11); S. Karger AG (figure 5.4., originally Phonetica, vol. 11. p. 181, figure 3); Kingston Press Services (figures 4.6, 4.8, 4.9, and 5.4, originally Language and Speech, vol. 42, pp. 286, 287, 289, figures 1, 2, and 3, respectively, and vol. 43, pp. 195, 198, figures 2 and 3, respectively); Cambridge University Press (figures 5.2, 6.2, 6.5, 7.1, and 10.3); MIT Press (figures 5.3, 6.4 panel a, and 10.2), ESCA (figure 6.1); Bill Poser (figure 6.3); Shigeki Kaji (figure 6.4, panel b); Algemene Vereniging Taalwetenschap (figure 6.8); Gösta Bruce (figure 11.1). I thank the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research for financial support.
AL | Analogical Lengthening |
CON | constraint hierarchy (Optimality Theory) |
CR | Compound Rule |
DAT | digital audiotape |
ERB | Equivalent Rectangular Bandwidth |
ES | extra-sentential constituent |
EVAL | evaluation procedure (Optimality Theory) |
F0 | fundamental frequency |
GEN | Generator (Optimality Theory) |
Hz | hertz |
IAD | Initial Accent Deletion |
IO | Input–Output (Optimality Theory) |
ip | Intermediate Phrase |
MHG | Middle High German |
ms | millisecond |
NP | noun phrase |
OCP | Obligatory Contour Principle |
OO | output–output (Optimality Theory) |
OSL | Open Syllable Lengthening |
OT | Optimality Theory |
PA | pitch accent |
PP | prepositional phrase |
RMS | Root Mean Square |
RP | Received Pronunciation (Standard English accent in England) |
s | second |
S | root sentence (also: matrix sentence) |
ST | semitone |
SOV | Subject-Verb-Object |
SVO | Subject-Object-Verb |
ToBI | Tones and Break Indices |
ToDI | Transcription of Dutch Intonation |
VP | verb phrase |
VOT | voice onset time |
XP | syntactic phrase |
XP’ | maximal syntactic phrase |
1 | Accent 1 |
2 | Accent 2 |
´ | high tone; primary stress |
` | low tone; secondary stress |
| falling tone |
ˇ | rising tone |
( ) | accentual phrase or any other constituent below ɸ |
[ ] | phonological phrase |
{ } | intonational phrase |
〈 〉 | utterance |
' | primary stress |
' | secondary stress |
* | violation (Optimality Theory) |
*! | fatal violation (Optimality Theory) |
☞ | winning candidate (Optimality Theory) |
☞! | incorrectly selected winner (Optimality Theory) |
*X | ungrammatical X; do not have X (Optimality Theory) |
T* | accent marking tone |
T- | Intermediate Phrase boundary tone |
T% | intonational phrase boundary tone |
'T | downstepped tone |
Tx | boundary tone of constituent x |
ɑ | accentual phrase |
ɩ | intonational phrase |
Ⓣ | floating tone |
μ | mora |
Φ | phonological phrase |
σ | syllable |
ʊ | utterance |
ω | phonological word |